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Open dialogue among community members is an important part of successful advocacy. Take Action California believes that the more information and discussion we have about what's important to us, the more empowered we all are to make change.

Wednesday, December 14, 2011

Child Homelessness Reportedly Climbed 33 Percent In Past 3 Years

via USA Today News

One in 45 children in the USA — 1.6 million children — were living on the street, in homeless shelters or motels, or doubled up with other families last year, according to the National Center on Family Homelessness.

The numbers represent a 33% increase from 2007, when there were 1.2 million homeless children, according to a report the center is releasing Tuesday.
"This is an absurdly high number," says Ellen Bassuk, president of the center. "What we have new in 2010 is the effects of a man-made disaster caused by the economic recession. … We are seeing extreme budget cuts, foreclosures and a lack of affordable housing."
The report paints a bleaker picture than one by the Department of Housing and Urban Development, which nonetheless reported a 28% increase in homeless families, from 131,000 in 2007 to 168,000 in 2010.

Dennis Culhane, a University of Pennsylvania professor of social policy, says HUD's numbers are much smaller because they count only families living on the street or in emergency shelters. 

"It is a narrower standard of homelessness," he says. However, Culhane says, "the bottom line is we've shown an increase in the percentage of homeless families."

The study, a state-by-state report card, looks at four years' worth of Education Department data. It assesses how homeless children fare based on factors including the state's wages, poverty and foreclosure rates, cost of housing and its programs for homeless families.

The states where homeless children fare the best are Vermont, Minnesota, Nebraska, North Dakota and Maine.

It finds the worst states for homeless children are Southern states where poverty is high, including Alabama, Mississippi and Arkansas, and states decimated by foreclosures and job losses, such as Arizona, California and Nevada.

At the First Light shelter in Birmingham, Ala., the fastest-growing group is women with children, executive director Ruth Crosby says. She says the emergency shelter, which houses about 125 women and children, is full every night. An overflow room with mats on the floor fills up every night, too.

"We try not to turn people away," Crosby says. "Poverty in Alabama is severe at best. We were already in dire straights, and then you get the economy. It's kept us on the bottom."

Shelly Jordan, a case manager for the homeless in Hattiesburg, Miss., says it has become common for two-parent households or families headed by professionals to turn to the city's lone homeless shelter.
"People had savings or unemployment and that's run out," she says. "This is their last resort."

A small portion of homeless households with children, 4,355, are headed by veterans. That's less than 5% of the veterans who are homeless.

The number of homeless veterans fell 12% from 76,329 in 2010 to 67,495 this year, according to a report released Tuesday by HUD and the Department of Veterans Affairs.

Housing Secretary Shaun Donovan credits the decline to more rental assistance and programs to get veterans into permanent housing.

In California, a Plan to Charge Inmates for Their Stay

via NY Times


 RIVERSIDE, Calif. — A one-night stay in this city’s finest hotel costs $190, complete with sumptuous sheets and a gourmet restaurant. Soon, a twin metal bunk at the county jail, with meals served on plastic trays, will run $142.42.

With already crowded jails filling quickly and an $80 million shortfall in the budget, Riverside County officials are increasingly desperate to find every source of revenue they can. So last month, the County Board of Supervisors voted unanimously to approve a plan to charge inmates for their stay, reimbursing the county for food, clothing and health care.

Prisoners with no assets will not have to pay, but the county has the ability to garnish wages and place liens on homes under the ordinance, which goes into effect this week.

As the county supervisor who pressed for the ordinance, Jeff Stone, likes to put it: “You do the crime, you will serve the time, and now you will also pay the dime.”

While a few other local governments have tried similar ideas, Riverside is by far the largest to enact what many call a “pay to stay” plan. Mr. Stone estimates that about 25 percent of the county’s prisoners would be able to pay something and that the county could collect as much as $6 million a year.

But the county attorney cautioned that the move was unlikely to bring in significant revenue, because many inmates were destitute and because convicts would be expected to pay restitution and other fines first.

Like all counties in California, Riverside is in the midst of accepting a new influx of inmates who would have normally gone to state prison. Faced with an order from the Supreme Court to shed 30,000 prisoners from state prisons over the next two years, the Legislature approved a plan to shift thousands of prisoners to local jails.

Many local leaders and law enforcement officials are skeptical of the plan and say the state is unlikely to cover the counties’ costs for the new inmates. In many counties, including Riverside, the jails are already near capacity, and officials worry about being forced to release some inmates before their sentences are complete.

Under California law, counties are allowed to collect money as a condition of probation, but only after a judge determines that the inmate can afford to pay. And counties are the last in line to get money from a convict.

A similar plan has been floated in Kern County, north of Los Angeles. But the sheriff there, Donny Youngblood, has opposed the idea, saying it could cost more than it would bring in.

“I’m not against it, believe me. I think in a perfect world, if all of them could pay, I would be in favor of it,” Sheriff Youngblood said. “It’s not so much that I am concerned about the fairness, although there is an aspect of that. It’s simply not a road I think is worth going down right now.”

But, he added, “If it’s successful, there will certainly be others who follow, because we are all looking for more money.”

With five jails spread throughout the county, Riverside, which is east of Los Angeles, has already reached 93 percent of its capacity, up from 85 percent before the state began moving prisoners in October. Those inmates have much longer sentences — they will stay in county jail an average of two years, more than double the length of stay for typical county inmates.

“Overcrowding is one of my top concerns,” said Jerry Gutierrez, a chief deputy at the Riverside County Sheriff’s Department who oversees the jails. “You have an overcrowded facility, and it just builds up the tensions. It becomes a longer wait for the showers — not everybody is going to get in there. There’s less time outside of cells, and it demands more resources we may not have.”

The effects of the state’s transfer plans are not limited to the jails. For years, the state has relied on inmates convicted of nonviolent crimes to join crews that fight wildfires across the state. But because of the shift of so many prisoners to county jails, the firefighting force will begin to shrink this year. (Counties can send prisoners to the fire camps, but the state will charge those that do about $46 per prisoner per day, reducing the incentive.)

Mr. Stone, a Republican who has been so critical of the Democratic-controlled Legislature that he has called for the secession of the eastern part of the state, said the state’s plan amounted to a “partially unfunded” mandate. Riverside officials have said they were getting enough money from the state now, but they worry about next year, when the guarantee for a financing source expires and voters will be asked to approve tax increases to ensure that services do not erode.

“We need to be looking for revenue wherever we can for ourselves,” Mr. Stone said. “There are people who have the means and who get into trouble with the law. Why should the citizens of this county with other struggles be forced to pay for that? The Lindsay Lohans of the world can certainly pay for it themselves.”

Sharon Dolovich, a law professor at the University of California, Los Angeles, said the county faced a “tremendous blood-from-a-stone problem” and called the plan an “illogical, ill-thought-through response” to the state transfer of prisoners.

“If our goal as a society is to rehabilitate people who have been in jail, then burdening them with another thing to pay when they are released is not the way to do it,” Professor Dolovich said. “It could also create an incentive to deny bail just so that the county could be bringing in more money.”
For now, most neighboring counties are watching what happens with a skeptical eye.

“Sometimes you attack the absurd with the absurd,” said John M. W. Moorlach, an Orange County supervisor. “We’re all messaging to Sacramento that the state has do more than just take our money and download prisoners to us. We’re all finding different ways to scream.”

Monday, December 12, 2011

Death Penalty Costs California more than $120 million a year

As district attorney in Los Angeles County for eight years, Gil Garcetti made the decision many times to use all the resources and power of his office to persuade a jury to condemn a person to death.

For that he has no qualms.

"It wouldn't bother me at all if a person that we charged was actually executed," he says.
But that hasn't happened.

It's been only 18 years since Garcetti was first sworn in as district attorney, and in California that's hardly enough time for a death penalty to run its course. The average delay is 24 years between a judgment of death issued by a jury and the completion of a condemned inmate's judicial review in state and federal courts.

It takes five years just to appoint an attorney to handle a condemned murderer's automatic appeal to the state Supreme Court, and typically five more years for the court to decide his case. The state habeas corpus proceedings take another two years. Then constitutional issues are raised in federal courts, where it typically takes 10 years for those cases to make their way through to the court of appeal — where relief is granted nearly 70 percent of the time, resulting in either new trials or new penalty proceedings.

Since the death penalty was reinstated in California in 1978, judgments of death have been rendered 812 times. The resolution of those cases to date: 718 inmates are incarcerated on San Quentin's death row, 55 condemned inmates have died of natural causes, 19 have committed suicide, six died from other causes, one was executed in Missouri for a separate crime. And California has carried out just 13 executions.

As of 2008, there were 30 people who had been on death row for more than 25 years.
The cumulative cost for all this, above what taxpayers would have borne had the ultimate penalty been a life sentence without possibility of parole, is estimated at $4 billion. Just this year the cost of having the death penalty on the books is estimated at from $120 million to $184 million.

The record leads to one blunt conclusion, expressed by the authors of an exhaustive study published earlier this year in the Loyola of Los Angeles Law Review: "California has the most expensive and least effective death penalty law in the nation."

That reality has been enough to make a convert of Garcetti, who has joined with other past participants in carrying out the death penalty such as former San Quentin warden Jeanne Woodford and Don Heller, the attorney who wrote the state's death penalty law, to say the system just doesn't work — not for taxpayers and not for public safety.

"You have people involved in the process who have reached the same conclusion," he said. "It's ineffective, and we can't afford it."

Working for a ballot measure
Garcetti has become the lead spokesman for a group called SAFE California. It is sponsoring a ballot initiative, now in the signature-gathering phase, that would ask voters next fall to eliminate the death penalty and replace it with a sentence of life in prison without possibility of parole.

It is very likely the group will succeed in putting the question before voters. Through this week, it had taken in more than $1.2 million in contributions, and it has retained a top ballot-measure strategist to manage the campaign. Garcetti said he is certain sponsors have sufficient financial support to ensure that Californians next year "will have a healthy discussion" about the death penalty, its effectiveness and its costs.

Such a discussion has been taking place for years among legal and law enforcement experts, but there has been no consensus on a solution.

A blue-ribbon, 26-person panel called the Commission on the Fair Administration of Justice issued a lengthy report on the issue in 2008. The panel included police chiefs, district attorneys, law professors, judges and defense attorneys. It recommended the state beef up what it spends to litigate death penalty appeals to reduce the time involved by half, which would bring California to the national average of 12.5 years between sentence and resolution of appeals.

To do that, it said, would require spending an additional $79 million a year, mostly by increasing the budget for the state Public Defender's Office by a third and authorizing the Habeas Corpus Resource Center to hire five times more attorneys.

Three years later, funding for those offices has gone down, not up.

The commission concluded that California had four choices: Continue spending $137 million a year on a "dysfunctional system"; implement its recommendations at a cost of $233 million a year; narrow the death penalty law to reduce by about half the number of new cases, at a cost of $130 million a year; or replace the death penalty with a sentence of life without possibility of parole, at a cost of $11 million a year.

"Doing nothing would be the worst possible course," the report said.

Among the members of the panel was Ventura County District Attorney Greg Totten, now president of the California District Attorneys Association. Totten wrote a dissent, signed by four other commissioners, arguing that the majority's report "indirectly assaults California's death penalty by seeking to undermine public confidence in our capital punishment law and procedure."

Totten argued then, and still asserts today, that the state must increase the amount it spends to provide for timely and thorough appeals.

"We are frustrated with the delays we see in the system," he said in an interview last month. "It's going to cost money. If you're going to take someone's life, you have to commit the resources to make sure it's done fairly. If the public wants the death penalty, they're going to have to pay for it."

He believes the added expense would be worth it, both to protect public safety and to carry out appropriate justice in those "horrible cases" in which the death penalty is sought. By seeking an execution in such cases, he said, "In a way, we're telling the public that we value life so much."
Garcetti believes that voters, when they examine "how the system really works," will conclude the costs are overwhelming to support a system that has resulted in six times more condemned inmates dying in their prison cells than have been executed.

"It serves no useful purpose," he says of the system.
That is a conclusion that four states — New York, New Jersey, Illinois and New Mexico — have reached over the last four years. All abolished the death penalty, and did so at a time when its use has been in decline across the country.

Death sentences drop
The number of death sentences issued nationally has dropped 60 percent since the 1990s and the number of executions has declined by half, said Richard Dieter, executive director of the Washington, D.C.-based Death Penalty Information Center.

The trend, Dieter said, is largely the result of "skepticism and discomfort" that stem both from the uneven application of the death penalty and growing concerns, largely driven by advancements in the use of DNA evidence, that innocent people are among those awaiting execution.

Across the country since 1973, 138 people who had been on death row have been cleared of all charges. Many of those cases, including three in California, were instances in which a verdict was invalidated because of deficiencies in the original trial and the defendants were either acquitted in subsequent trials or charges were dropped.

Dieter acknowledges not all of those exonerations were instances in which it could be established with certainty that the defendants were wrongly accused. "Factual innocence is a harder thing to objectively determine," he said.

He noted, however, that 17 convictions were overturned as a result of DNA evidence that exonerated former death row inmates.

Totten insists there is no evidence that any innocent person in California has been executed or condemned, a contention with which the commission agreed. But the panel's report added a cautionary caveat: "The commission cannot conclude with confidence that the administration of the death penalty in California eliminates the risk that innocent people be convicted and sentenced to death."
Concerns about innocence and cost have been intertwined in leading other states to abandon the death penalty, Dieter said, because the argument that costs could be reduced by speeding up the process "just doesn't sell." One of the reasons it costs so much is because of the care that is taken to ensure against the execution of an innocent person.

Totten said prosecutors in California agree death penalty cases demand extraordinary review. "No prosecutor is going to argue for a reckless pace," he said. "Prosecutors want the defense bar to have the resources they need."

Still, the fact is indisputable that the appeals process for California cases is excessively slow, at double the national average.

Totten and others argue some of the costs and delays are the result of an appellant-friendly U.S. Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals and a deliberate strategy on the part of some who are opposed to the death penalty on moral grounds to prolong delays "so that at some point the public loses its stomach because it's too costly."

The timeline

Most of the costs, however, are incurred before any appeal reaches the federal judiciary. It starts with the actual courtroom trial to determine guilt and, if that is established, a separate penalty phase of trial to decide on the death sentence.

Preparation for such a trial can last two or three years. When it's ready to begin and the jury pool is called, the number of potential jurors is nearly doubled, from 225 to 400, for a capital case, said Ventura County Superior Court Executive Officer Michael Planet.

A second court reporter is hired so trial transcripts can be produced on a daily basis. The final transcript in a capital case is typically 20,000 to 30,000 pages.

"It's all a matter of scale. They're big," Planet said. "Everything is just so attenuated. You've got attorneys who are going to leave no stone unturned."

In many counties, including Ventura, following state guidelines, the Public Defender's Office immediately assigns to any death penalty case two attorneys, an investigator and a specialist to examine the accused's background.

"When we have a capital case, we go over budget. That's all there is to it," said Ventura County Public Defender Stephen Lipson. "The guy's life is in your hands. You're either going to do everything for him or you're not."

Estimates of the added trial costs in capital murder cases compared with noncapital murder cases vary. Separate studies in California have pegged the added costs at more than $1 million. In its estimate, the Commission on the Fair Administration of Justice calculated the added costs per trial at $500,000, a figure it acknowledged to be conservative.

All death sentences are automatically appealed directly to the California Supreme Court, which is swamped with such cases. Although the court is now keeping pace with its caseload — over the last decade it has issued opinions in 232 death penalty appeals and taken on 233 new cases — its backlog remains daunting.

From 1996 through 2001 the court decided 52 cases while 192 new ones came onto its docket.
The state Public Defender's Office, with an annual budget of $10 million, handles almost exclusively death penalty appeals, but is able to take on fewer than half of the cases. For the rest, the Supreme Court has to assign private counsel, typically at a fixed fee of $219,000.

Even at that pay rate, it is a challenge to find qualified, experienced attorneys to take on death penalty appeals and it takes on average five years for the court to assign a case.

With life or death at stake, condemned inmates also are entitled to state-paid counsel to present a habeas corpus petition. At that stage, issues other than matters raised during their trials can be raised. Those cases are handled either by court-paid private counsel at a rate of $145 per hour or by the state Habeas Corpus Resource Center, with a budget of $13.6 million. It takes another two years for the state Supreme Court to rule on those petitions.

And at every step of the way, lawyers on the payroll at the state Department of Justice defend against the appeals. Based on the estimate by former Attorney General Bill Lockyer that 15 percent of the department's criminal division budget is devoted to capital cases, the law review article pegged the annual costs for the Department of Justice at $17.3 million.

The state's highest court devotes about a quarter of its time and resources to death penalty cases. Former Chief Justice Ronald George called the situation a crisis, and told the state commission unless something is done to better handle the caseload, the court's backlog will grow "until the system falls of its own weight."

Beth Jay, principal attorney to current Chief Justice Tani Cantil-Sakauye, said court officials are doing all they can. "I have spent a great deal of time with others over many years working to improve the number of counsel, working very closely with the defense entities and the court to better oversee the processing of these cases," she said. "The court has expended a lot of effort to make the process as efficient and effective as it can be."

A tough sell
Backers of the initiative are hoping Californians — including many of those who agree in concept with capital punishment — can be persuaded that administration of the death penalty in this state has become so inefficient and so costly it ought to be abandoned, freeing up $120 million or more annually that they assert could be spent much more productively.

They are aware it will be a tough sell politically. Historically, Californians have strongly supported the death penalty. The ballot measure that re-established capital punishment in 1978 passed with 71 percent support. Eight years later, 67 percent of voters decided to boot off the Supreme Court the late Chief Justice Rose Bird and two associate justices, based almost entirely on their perceived categorical opposition to the death penalty.

Some recent polling suggests a shift may be occurring. The nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California found in a September survey of 2,000 adults that 54 percent chose life in prison "with absolutely no possibility of parole" over the death penalty. When the same question had been asked in 2000, only 47 percent chose that option, with 49 percent favoring the death penalty.

Significantly, emerging segments of the electorate were more likely to support life imprisonment: 67 percent of Latinos chose that option, and support for it was stronger among those under 35 than among older adults.

Dan Schnur, head of the Jesse M. Unruh School of Politics at USC and director of the Dornsife College-Los Angeles Times poll, said it would take a marked shift in public sentiment for the initiative to abolish the death penalty to succeed.

"You never say never, but it's hard to see the voters reversing themselves so dramatically on such an emotional issue," he said. He acknowledged the issue hasn't been tested at the ballot box in decades, but "just because an issue fades out of the public mind doesn't mean voters have necessarily changed their minds."

Garcetti said backers of the initiative hope to make voters aware of what it's costing taxpayers to sustain the system.

"People do not know this, and when they learn this they are dumbfounded by the costs," he said. "Circumstances have changed so dramatically in terms of our economy that people are desperate to find more efficient ways to spend our tax money."

© 2011 Ventura County Star. All rights reserved. This material may not be published, broadcast, rewritten or redistributed.

Friday, December 9, 2011

SB COUNTY: About 150 inmates to be released early

via Press Enterprise




About 150 San Bernardino County jail inmates serving time for parole violation will be released early beginning today through Wednesday because of jail overcrowding attributed to the state prisoner realignment policy, the sheriff’s office said in a statement.

Realignment, which began on Oct. 1, sends to county jails criminals convicted of non-violent, non-sexual and non-serious offenses. They previously would have gone to state prison. It also means most types of parole violators are now sentenced to county jails rather than returning to state prison.

“Because of these dynamics, the county jail system is rapidly approaching capacity,” the statement said. The San Bernardino County jails have beds for about 6,100 inmates.

The parole violators to be released must have served at least half of their commitment time and have less than 30 days remaining in their commitment, the sheriff’s office said. Other factors will include the criminal history of the individual and the inmate’s conduct while in custody.

Those released will be under the supervision of state parole officers, the sheriff’s statement said.

Thursday, December 8, 2011

California Prison Riot: Guards Fire Shots, Many Injured

via Huffington Post

SACRAMENTO, Calif. -- Guards shot at least two prisoners Wednesday as they broke up a fight involving 50 inmates at a prison east of Sacramento, corrections officials said.

Inmates stabbed each other during the fight, and some employees suffered minor injuries as they intervened. The outbreak was in a maximum security area of the California State Prison, Sacramento.
The conditions of the two inmates hit by gunfire were not immediately known, but they were among 10 wounded inmates taken to outside hospitals, said correctional Sgt. Tony Quinn, a prison spokesman. The other inmates had stab wounds and blunt force trauma, he said. Their conditions also were not immediately known, Quinn said.

"There were guys being brought off the yard left and right" with injuries after the fight in a maximum-security exercise yard, Quinn said.

About 50 inmates were involved, and an unknown number of employees were injured, said Terry Thornton, a spokeswoman for the California Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation.

Besides firing about seven bullets, guards used pepper spray and fired rubber projectiles to break up the fight. The employees were hurt responding to the incident and were not targets of the inmates' attacks, she said.

Most of the prison's 2,800 inmates were locked in their cells while the disturbance was investigated.
The prison, which is also known as New Folsom, is next to the much older Folsom State Prison, about 20 miles east of the state capital. It also was the scene of a riot in May that sent six inmates to outside hospitals, and two of those inmates were treated for serious injuries.

Guards broke up that earlier riot with pepper spray and warning shots, without shooting any inmates. No employees were injured in that disturbance at the prison, which opened in 1986.

California Budget Crisis Community Forum and Trigger Cuts Press Conference

A Teach-In on the California Budget Crisis:
How it Impacts Our Communities AND what we can do to get California Back on Track!

Friday, December 8, 2011
10:15am-12:45pm
Registration begins at 10:00am

Trigger cuts press conference begins at 1PM.

Location: Planned Parenthood LA
400 W. 30th Street, LA, CA 90007

Featuring: Jean Ross
Executive Director of the California Budget Project

Community Dialogue
Invited legislators: Honorable John Perez, Bob Blumenfield, Holly Mitchell, and Ricardo Lara

Interpretation in Spanish will be provided
Please RSVP to Astrid Campos acampos@communitychange.org

Co-sponsored by: Planned Parenthood LA, Health Access, ACLU-SC, 9to5, CHIRLA, Hunger Action LA, COFEM, California Parternship


Tuesday, December 6, 2011

Counties dilemma: how to use funds for inmates


Count dilemma: how to use funds for inmates

Marisa Lagos, Chronicle Staff Writer

Monday, December 5, 2011

In a nondescript classroom one block from the San Francisco Hall of
Justice, 10 men gathered on a recent night for a parenting class.

They went around the room, sharing the high and low points of their weeks.
One man said he was relieved that November - the anniversary of both his
brother's and father's deaths - was over. Another was excited and nervous
about an upcoming job interview. The group - many of them ex-convicts, all
of them there because of past involvement with the criminal justice system
- responded with encouragement and support.

The parenting class, run by the nonprofit Community Works and sponsored by
the San Francisco Sheriff's Department, is one of a host of programs
offered both in San Francisco's jails and in the community to help
offenders get their lives back in order. Supporters say that for someone
with a criminal history, a program can mean the difference between
rehabilitation and returning to jail.

And that's why many nonprofit community organizations around California
have been lobbying hard to be included in the pot of money counties are
receiving under the state's criminal justice realignment plan, which
includes keeping more felons at county lockups instead of shipping them to
state prisons.

But how that funding is spent varies by county. Some jurisdictions are
spending the bulk of the money on law enforcement, including the hiring of
police and probation officers, while others are choosing to invest in
nonprofits that offer substance abuse counseling, housing, job training and
other services to criminal offenders.

Experts say counties that choose to invest in services are more likely to
reduce recidivism - and thus the number of people in the state's crowded
jails and prisons.

Studies back that up. A recent report by the Pew Center on the States noted
that the "largest reductions in recidivism are realized when evidence-based
programs and practices are implemented in prisons and govern the
supervision of (offenders) in the community post-release."

One of the participants in the parenting class at the Hall of Justice, a
38-year-old former drug addict, said he is proof that these programs work.

A year ago, he was living in San Francisco County Jail after 10 years of
bouncing between sobriety, drug binges and run-ins with the law. Now, he is
working full time, getting straight
A's<http://www.sfgate.com/sports/athletics/>at City
College <http://www.sfgate.com/education-guide/> and preparing to move back
in with his girlfriend and 1-year-old son.

Last week, he graduated from the parenting class.

"I'm doing really well ... and I'm proud of myself for sticking with it,"
said Scott, who did not want his last name used because he is worried about
future employment opportunities. "A lot of people don't know about drug
addiction, the things we've been through. They think it doesn't work
because statistically, it doesn't always.

"If no one else believes in you, and you don't believe in you, one person,
saying, 'I do' - that's really all it takes."
Investing in solutions

Many Bay Area counties have embraced the idea of investing in services,
with San Francisco, Alameda and Santa Clara each allocating one-quarter to
one-third of their first year realignment budget to nonprofit providers.

"Our belief is that what's really going to help in terms of resolving
recidivism and having a higher success rate is getting folks jobs and
much-needed services," said Santa Clara Probation Chief Sheila Mitchell,
who put 25 percent of the county's $15.4 million into services. "Our
funding plan mirrors our philosophy."

Some of the state's largest counties, however, have put just a fraction of
their realignment budget into services.

One of those is San Bernardino County, which is second only to Los Angeles
County in the number of inmates it sends to state prison every year. County
leaders there chose to earmark about $300,000 of their $27.5 million budget
to faith- and community-based organizations this year, a move that angered
many advocates.

County probation Chief Michelle Scray said she believes community
organizations can make the difference between incarceration and a
productive, crime-free life for someone with a criminal history.

However, Scray noted that she must ensure the county probation department
can handle an additional 2,500 former prison inmates over the next four
years. That's in addition to the 19,000 probationers the agency already
supervises.

So when San Bernardino County came up with a plan for spending its money,
Scray and other county leaders decided to spend the lion's share on hiring
probation officers, sheriff's deputies and other law enforcement officials.

Scray said she is training probation officers to do things like teach
anger-management classes at one of the three reporting centers the county
plans to open. But she said the state needs to give additional money for
nongovernment services, which she believes are important.
Ill-equipped for influx

"The definition of insanity is doing the same thing over and over again and
expecting different results," she said. "California has a 67 percent
recidivism rate because we only do things from the law enforcement side and
there is no rehabilitation."

Those who run nonprofits and churches say that's exactly why counties
should be investing in their services instead of waiting for money that
will likely never materialize from the deficit-plagued state.

The Rev. Samuel Casey runs COPE, a network of African American
congregations in the Inland Empire. He said San Bernardino County is
ill-equipped to handle the thousands of men and women it will be charged
with supervising under realignment. County leaders, he said, need to
analyze where these offenders will be going, what they need and what
resources are available to them - and then, they should invest in those
services.

"Part of it is just cultural competency, being able to engage this
population. These are some of our brothers, sisters, mothers, grandfathers
and uncles coming home," he said. "Probation is not going to have the
engagement with these individuals the way everyone thinks. They will barely
see them. They barely see the ones that are on probation now."

Community leaders in Sacramento, Los Angeles and elsewhere are also angry
and frustrated by the tiny amount those jurisdictions have decided to
invest this year in community services.

Daniel Macallair, executive director of the Center on Juvenile and Criminal
Justice in San Francisco, said the discrepancies between counties mirror
what was already happening in each jurisdiction prior to realignment. The
center conducts criminal justice research and provides direct services,
including a substance abuse program for adults who are released from
prison.
'Counties not prepared'

"Most counties are not prepared to meet the challenges of realignment, and
for many of them it's their own fault. They have engaged in bad practices
and policies for 30 years," he said. "The counties that will have the
hardest time are some of the Southern California and Central Valley
counties that have relied heavily on the state prison system."

Macallair said probation departments need to change the way they approach
their job and rely more on the community.

"What people don't realize is that even though we're the state of
California and we have one set of criminal laws, you have 58 counties
responsible for interpreting and applying those laws and essentially 58
different criminal justice systems," he said. "You're going to have well
functioning counties able to meet this challenge and a lot that are going
to lag behind. There's nothing uniform about this."

E-mail Marisa Lagos at mlagos@sfchronicle.com.

http://sfgate.com/cgi-bin/article.cgi?f=/c/a/2011/12/05/MNDF1M6CVP.DTL

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