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Showing posts with label same-sex marriage. Show all posts
Showing posts with label same-sex marriage. Show all posts

Wednesday, March 27, 2013

Will Prop 8 End Not With a Bang but a Legal Whimper?


Justice Anthony Kennedy — widely viewed as the pivotal swing vote — got pulses racing early in today’s same-sex-marriage argument at the Supreme Court. There is “immediate legal injury” being done to 40,000 California children being raised by same-sex parents who are not allowed to marry, he insisted. These children “want their parents to have full recognition and full status,” he said — and “the voice of those children is important in this case.”
Court watchers immediately flooded Twitter and live blogs with the news: after that “vivid” comment, it was suddenly looking like there might be five votes — Justice Kennedy and the court’s four liberals — for a sweeping pro-gay-marriage ruling. But before long, Justice Kennedy seemed to reverse direction, openly questioning whether the court had made a mistake in accepting the case at all.
Today’s oral arguments — in a challenge to California’s Proposition 8, which banned same-sex marriage — took place under a glaring national spotlight. Television cameras and throngs of reporters descended on the Supreme Court. Crowds of ordinary citizens gathered out front to express their views and to try to influence the Justices, in some cases with wacky signs in tow. (Sample: “Gays have every right to be as miserable as I make my husband.”) For months now, there has been a growing expectation that the Supreme Court would use this case to issue a landmark constitutional ruling, resolving for the history books whether same-sex couples have a right to marry.
But the Justices’ questions at oral argument suggested another possibility: that the Proposition 8 case may end not with a bang but with a hypertechnical legal whimper. It is always perilous trying to predict what the Supreme Court will do based on the Justices’ comments at oral argument, but it now may be that the likeliest outcome is a punt on the hard constitutional questions: the Justices may simply dismiss the case. That would most likely mean that a lower-court ruling invalidating Prop 8 would remain in effect — which would keep same-sex marriage legal in California but not affect other states.
That is one way to count the votes at today’s oral argument: put Justice Kennedy with the court’s four conservatives, and there are not enough votes for a bold pro-gay-marriage ruling. It is not, however, the only way. At another point in the argument, Justice Kennedy said the case could take the court into “uncharted waters” or a “wonderful destination” — though he also worried that it could be a “cliff.” In that brief and highly contradictory comment — which is already being closely parsed — Justice Kennedy seemed to be deeply ambivalent: worried about the risks of a broad pro-same-sex-marriage ruling, while nevertheless excited about the possibilities.
The court will have another chance to wrestle with the question tomorrow, in a second case that challenges the Defense of Marriage Act, which bars the federal government from recognizing same-sex marriages and decrees that states do not have to recognize same-sex marriages performed in other states. That case, however, could well be resolved as a question of states’ rights or other legal doctrines that do not directly engage the key question of whether same-sex couples have a constitutional right to marry.
Even some supporters of same-sex marriage think that a modest Supreme Court ruling — like one that allows same-sex marriages to continue in California but does not extend them further — could be a good thing. Political support for gay marriage continues to grow by the day — Senator Mark Warner of Virginia just got on board yesterday — and the momentum shows no sign of slowing. Advocates for a political solution argue that there will be less polarization and backlash if same-sex marriage gets adopted through the political process.
Appealing though that argument may be in some ways, it has serious flaws. If the Supreme Court fails to act, gay people in some parts of the country may have to wait many years before their home states recognize their right to marry — or they may have to move in order to marry. And rights that legislatures give they can also take away. Only the Supreme Court can declare that gay people have a fundamental constitutional right to marry — no matter what the politicians say.
It is for these reasons that how Justice Kennedy comes down matters so much. Same-sex marriage is no longer the “uncharted waters” that he fears. We now have evidence from across the country that gay marriage has enormous upsides — including for the children Justice Kennedy rightly worried about — and no discernible downsides. Nondiscrimination is, in all its forms, a “wonderful destination,” as Justice Kennedy so aptly put it. By the time the Supreme Court’s term ends in late June, we will know if he proved courageous and forward-looking enough to lead the nation there.

via Time Magazine

Tuesday, March 26, 2013

Supreme Court Could Avoid Ruling on California Gay Marriage Ban


The Supreme Court suggested Tuesday it could find a way out of the case over California's ban on same-sex marriage without issuing a major national ruling on whether gays have a right to marry, an issue one justice described as newer than cellphones and the Internet.
Several justices, including some liberals who seemed open to gay marriage, raised doubts during a riveting 80-minute argument that the case was properly before them. And Justice Anthony Kennedy, the potentially decisive vote on a closely divided court, suggested that the court could dismiss the case with no ruling at all.
Such an outcome would almost certainly allow gay marriages to resume in California but would have no impact elsewhere.
Kennedy said he feared the court would go into "uncharted waters" if it embraced arguments advanced by gay marriage supporters. But lawyer Theodore Olson, representing two same-sex couples, said that the court similarly ventured into the unknown in 1967 when it struck down bans on interracial marriage in 16 states.
Kennedy challenged the accuracy of that comment by noting that other countries had had interracial marriages for hundreds of years.
There was no majority apparent for any particular outcome and many doubts expressed about the arguments advanced by lawyers for the opponents of gay marriage in California, by the supporters and by the Obama administration, which is in favor of same-sex marriage rights.
Kennedy made clear he did not like the rationale of the federal appeals court that struck down Proposition 8, the California ban, even though it cited earlier opinions in favor of gay rights that Kennedy wrote.
That appeals court ruling applied only to California, where same-sex couples briefly had the right to marry before voters adopted a constitutional amendment in November 2008 that defined marriage as the union of a man and a woman.
Several members of the court also were troubled by the Obama administration's main point that when states offer same-sex couples all the rights of marriage, as California and eight other states do, they also must allow marriage.
Justice Samuel Alito described gay marriage as newer than such rapidly changing technological advances as cellphones and the Internet, and appeared to advocate a more cautious approach to the issue.
"You want us to assess the effect of same-sex marriage," Alito said to Solicitor General Donald Verrilli. "It may turn out to be a good thing. It may turn out to be not a good thing."
Charles Cooper, representing the people who helped get Proposition 8 on the ballot, ran into similar resistance over his argument that the court should uphold the ban as a valid expression of the people's will and let the vigorous political debate over gay marriage continue.
Here, Kennedy suggested that Cooper's argument did not take account of the estimated 40,000 children who have same-sex parents. "The voices of these children are important, don't you think?" Kennedy said.